Collegium Medievale <p>Tidsskriftet <em>Collegium Medievale</em> er et forum for alle som er engasjert i forskning på områdene Middelalderen eller Renessansen. Ett nummer publiseres årlig. Tidsskriftet utgis av Collegium Medievale: Forening for middelalderforskere i samarbeid med Novus forlag, Oslo, Norge. Foreningen hører hjemme på Det humanistiske fakultet ved Universitetet i Oslo, men opptar også medlemmer fra andre norske eller utenlandske forskningsmiljøer.</p> <p><strong>Medlemskap/papirabonnement bestilles på <a title="Collegium Medievale" href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">forlagets hjemmeside</a></strong></p> Novus forlag nb-NO Collegium Medievale 0801-9282 <span>Forfattere beholder opphavsretten og gir tidsskriftet rett til første publisering av arbeidet. En Creative Commons-lisens (CC BY-SA 4.0) gir samtidig andre rett til å dele arbeidet med henvisning til arbeidets forfatter og at det først ble publisert i dette tidsskriftet.</span> Burkhard Kunkel: Die Kunst der lutherischen Kirchen im 16. Jahrhundert. Medien, Mitteldinge, Monumente – eine Geschichte der materiellen Kultur <p>In 2017, Alexandra Walsham rightly observed a ‘lingering fallacy that the Reformation was inherently antagonistic to Christian materiality’ («Recycling the Sacred: Material Culture and Cultural Memory after the English Reformation», Church History 86.4 (2017): 1121–1154, here p. 1122). In German literature, however, the ‘preserving power of Lutheranism’, has become something of a motto in (art-)historical scholarship since the late 1990s. The small but programmatic volume entitled Die bewahrende Kraft des Luthertums. Mittelalterliche Kunstwerke in evangelischen Kirchen (‘The preserving power of Lutheranism. Medieval art works in protestant churches’), edited by Johann Michael Fritz (Regensburg: Schnell &amp; Steiner, 1997), radically changed the narrative about the Protestant Reformation as an age of fundamental change to one of remarkable continuities, at least in art history. Medieval interior ensembles such as those found in Doberan abbey, Halberstadt Cathedral, St Laurence’s parish church in Nuremberg and many country churches across Germany (between Franconia and Schleswig-Holstein) are indeed unparalleled in Europe. Outstanding examples outside Germany are found in several other areas that became Lutheran, in Scandinavia (Jutland, Scania, and Gotland) as well as Transylvania (Romania) and the Zips region (Slovakia). In his introduction, Fritz provocatively argued that such ensembles survived not despite, but rather thanks to the Lutheran Reformation. Frank Schmidt, in his chapter, cogently defined ‘continued use’, ‘altered use’ and ‘non use’ (in German: ‘Weiter-’, ‘Um-’ and ‘Nichtnutzung’) as the three principal factors that made that altarpieces, screens, pulpits, sculptures and fonts could live on in Lutheran churches.</p> Justin Kroesen Opphavsrett 2020 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 5 5 Perfect Men? The Nine Worthies and Medieval Masculinities <p>The historical study of masculinities, as with many areas of gender studies and indeed many other fields of history, must navigate between the Scylla of essentialism and the Charybdis of incommensurability. To operate with one definition of masculinity and measure all past societies by it imposes presentist and Eurocentric views on the range of temporal and global variation. On the other hand, to deny the applicability of all modern terminology to past societies that did not share the same vocabulary and outlook, and rely only on the internal categories and concepts of each culture to explain it, we are unable to compare, to identify difference and change, to theorize in any way. I try to chart a middle course, suggesting that a binary between the masculine and the feminine is a cultural universal, or nearly. Each culture constructs differently what constitutes masculinity and femininity. We do need to avoid another binary in the study of masculinity, however: between a very broad reading of the evidence (anything that men do is masculine activity) and a very narrow one (only that which a contemporary source labels manly can be understood that way). If men were admired for a behavior and women were criticized for it or excluded from it, it is masculine even if contemporaries do not specifically say so. Characteristics connected with exemplary men can also be considered as important masculine traits even if they would also be admirable traits for women.</p> Ruth Mazo Karras Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatter 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 18 18 Ribbungopprøret mot birkebeinerkongedømmet og Magnus-ættens krav på tronen i Norge på 1200-tallet <p>The rebellion of the Ribbungs in the final phase of the Norwegian Civil War (1219–1227), has largely been perceived as insignificant, consisting of marginal groups and individuals in the periphery. This underestimation by historians has resulted in a research tradition where the Ribbung Rebellion at best has got scant mention often only to confirm the Birkebeiner power and the consolidation of Norway into one kingdom, after their unification with the Bagler combined with Håkon Håkonssons accession in the years 1217 and 1218. The consequence is that interesting and relevant information on the national development in Norway during the Civil Wars has been overlooked. In war, there are at least two sides fighting each other, each with its own justification and motivation. For better understanding their concerns, it is necessary that both parties in the conflict be examined equally. This article will more fully examine the circumstances leading to war and the motivation of the key players behind the Ribbung uprising. It will look closely at who and what the Ribbungs represented. The claim to the throne by the heirs of king Magnus Erlingsson and the contemporary perception of this during the first decades of the 13th century will also be given attention. The study will simultaneously show how serious a threat the Ribbung Rebellion was to the kingdom of the Birkebeinar (Birchlegs).</p> Knut Arstad Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatter 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 28 28 Historia Norwegie <p>The author underlines to begin with the importance of Cicero’s treatise Orator as a model for the dedication in <em>Historia Norwegie</em> (<em>HN</em>). In his commentary on §7 the present author advocates Fredrik Paasche’s suggestion (1924) for identifying the dedicatee as the Franciscan Agnello da Pisa (Agnellus) who was sent on a mission to England in 1224, the apogee of which mission was the founding of a convent and school in Oxford in 1229. If this Agnellus was the dedicatee the date of <em>HN</em> is presumably the first half of the 1230s. Alternatively, the date could be as much as ten years earlier if Agnello and the author met each other during Agnello’s time in Paris (between 1217 and 1224). The essential point is that Agnello da Pisa would have a motive for imposing a task like the one sketched out in §3. As to <em>HN</em> as a historical treatise, the most probable view is that there has been a sequel containing Norway’s history after 1015 that has been lost.</p> Egil Kraggerud Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatteren 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 22 22 «Anden gang malet i Bergen Anno 1798» <p>Less than 100 medieval triptychs, or fragments of such, are preserved in Norway. About 30 of these are in the churches. A common understanding used to be that the medieval – Catholic – ecclesiastical art was thrown out or altered as a result of the reformation of the Danish-Norwegian church in 1536–37. This myth has been modified in the last decades, and there is an agreement that the alteration of the reformed church room was in general, in Norway, a slow process. Starting from 12 examined late medieval triptychs, the main question for the paper is therefore when the surviving triptychs were changed the first time? Additional questions which are discussed in the paper are as follows; Is the first alteration caused by the reformation, or are there other reasons for the change of the triptychs? Is there a pattern in how they were modified? Is it possible to say who the initiators of the changes are, or who paid? What values were given to the Catholic objects that made them survive in the reformed church?</p> <p>The research presented in this paper confirms the slow process. The first alteration of each of the 12 examined triptychs takes place in the period 1634–1875. Almost all are repainted the first time they are altered, five are mounted in a new altarpiece or carved frame. Information on who initiated the change is found for five of the 12, but only for two of the altarpieces is the alteration cost listed in the church accounts.</p> Tone Marie Olstad Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatteren 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 39 39 Den tidlige kirkeorganisasjonen i Eidsivatingslagen <p>This article presents a new interpretation and identification of a particular type of church in inland East-Norway (Eidsivatingslagen), known in Old Norse as the <em>þriðjungkirkja</em>. These churches were the counterparts to the <em>fylkiskirkja</em> (‘county church’) in other parts of the Norwegian kingdom, and crucial in the formation of the inland church organisation from the early eleventh century.</p> <p>Previous interpretations of the <em>þriðjungkirkja</em> have seen its origins from a special type of administrative unit, found only in the district Romerike – the <em>þriðjung</em>. A closer analysis shows, however, that the <em>þriðjung</em> was a younger civil, not an ecclesiastical, division and therefore a misleading starting point. The rural deanery (Norw. <em>prosti</em>), on the other hand, was an ecclesiastical rather than a civil division. In written sources, dating from 1223 to c. 1600, we identify 12 rural deaneries/deans and the churches attached to them. The deaneries probably correspond to the 12 units mentioned in early 11th-century skaldic poetry. From this, we find that the <em>þriðjung</em> originates from a subdivision of former legal units (<em>thing</em>-districts). According to the chronicle <em>Historia Norwegie</em> there were four legal units in the Eidsviating-region in the mid-12th century.</p> <p>Further, we identify the churches at Vågå, Fron and Ringsaker/Hoff, Fluberg and Gran/Nes, Norderhov and Heggen/Tinn, Hjartdal and Seljord, as <em>þriðjungkirkjur</em> and discuss if these in fact originates from the church organisation as agreed upon by the thing assemblies and the king, with his bishops, around AD 1020.</p> Frode Iversen Jan Brendalsmo Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatteren 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 50 50 The Political Symbolism of Ants and Bees in Old Norse Sources <p>In this article I discuss the political themes attached to the eusocial creatures, specifically ants and bees, in Old Norse sources. I consider the situation of Old Norse as a transnational literature, encompassing one country that lacked ants and bees (Iceland) and one that did not (Norway). Although the behavioural ecology of eusociality, or indeed the classification of ants and bees as taxonomically related, is a relatively recent development in human knowledge, I argue that the fundamental qualities of swarming and mutual aid were clearly recognisable long before modern science. The differing environments and differing political systems between Iceland and Norway are examined as factors shaping the depiction of eusocial insects. However, the Old Norse sources are also integrated into their European context in order to explore the abstract – even universal – ideological questions that are prompted when humans compare their own societies to those of ants and bees.</p> Richard Cole Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatteren 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 42 42 "Chronica regni Gothorum", "Historia Norwegie" och fornsvenska krönikor <p><em>Chronica regni Gothorum</em> (<em>The Chronicle of the Kingdom of the Goths</em>), written in the 15th century by historian and theologian Ericus Olai, is the first comprehensive history of Sweden in Latin. An important question is how Ericus Olai used his sources. Did he barely reproduce facts and statements? Or did he process the source material? I focus on Ericus Olai’s use of certain sources – in particular, the <em>Historia Norwegie</em>. My study confirmed that a Swedish source, <em>The Prosaic Chronicle</em>, served as a source for Ericus Olai when he wrote about the Ynglinga kings. However, there are common traits with <em>Historia Norwegie</em>, which indicates that Ericus Olai used <em>Historia Norwegie</em> too.</p> <p>Concerning <em>The Chronicle of Duke Erik</em>, dealing mainly with the 13th century, we can state that Ericus Olai did not copy it verbally, but processed it skillfully. He shortened a number of passages and focused on political and ecclesiastical history. In general, Ericus Olai edited the narrative sources in a creative way and complemented them with the help of other material.</p> Andrej Scheglov Opphavsrett 2020 Forfatteren 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 29 29 From "Irilar" to "Erl" – identity and career 5th to 9th century ce <p>Prior to 536–550 ce eleven Early Nordic runic inscriptions mention the <em>irilar</em>, a warrior and an autonomous follower of a sufficiently wealthy and powerful leader, who was probably a hall owner. <em>Beowulf</em>, composed after 536 with roots in the 6th–7th century, is known to us in an Anglo-Saxon version that deals with <em>eorl</em> 55 times. In the poem, we learn more about an <em>eorl</em>’s role and identity. Beowulf and his retinue are <em>eorls</em>. In the beginning of the 9th century, the Saxon poem about the life of Jesus, <em>Hêliand</em>, mentions <em>erl</em> 93 times because his followers, like Beowulf’s, are <em>erls</em>. In <em>Hêliand</em>, <em>erls</em> as a group and social institution is a wider historical phenomenon than in <em>Beowulf</em>. This chronological series of written sources brings the prehistoric <em>irilar</em> safely to the historic <em>erl</em>. Thus, based on three case studies one may describe how the identity, role and status of the Scandinavian and in all probability even Saxon pre-536, <em>irilar</em> concept changed during a 400-year period.</p> Frands Herschend Opphavsrett 2021 2020-12-31 2020-12-31 33 46 46